Lady at a Paris Grocery, January 10, 2015

Fresh cut flowers strewn on a sidewalk
Lighted candles before a market
Such tragic testimony
Whispered voices can barely address

Caught in the moment, unwilling to leave
Neighbors linger
Clutching hands
Sharing grief and disbelief

Shuttered behind her closed eyelids
A beautiful lady stands apart
Though I’ve forgotten the lines of her face
Her inward gaze still haunts

Clothed for fall
Her hands ungloved at her waist
Thumbs and forefingers joined
Palms faced forward and welcoming all

In her moment of stillness
Born of the stars and lost in the ages
She silently weaves
Making whole
The torn fabric of humanity

AJD, April 15, 2016 (with a special thanks to E. Ross)

The Twistcon

Until now, I have resisted advertising on this blog. But I just discovered a device I was told would make political campaigning easier. It is called the “Twistcon.” And it comes with its own avatar, called “Savvy.” Recently, I put it to the test. What follow is my dialogue with Savvy.

Savvy: Are you running for office?
Me: Yes (I lied, but she can’t see me)
Savvy: Do you have a question for me?
Me: Yes. Recently, I was asked how I would fight ISIS. How should I respond?
Savvy: “Carpet bomb Raqqa.” Your answer shows strength and resolve. It taps into the public fear of terrorists invading the homeland.
Me: Thanks Savvy. How should I respond to economic questions like about a shrinking middle class?
Savvy: It depends upon whether you are a democrat or a republican. If a democrat, blame the rich and “trickle down” economics. If a republican, blame the democrat in the White House for high taxes on “job creators” and regulations that punish small businesses.
Me: But aren’t those answers too simplistic? I mean, President Reagan left office over twenty years ago and the current President isn’t responsible for our current tax structure. Over time many politicians have created that structure.
Savvy: Then blame the establishment. Nobody really knows who “they” are. That way you build your case as an “outsider.” Never bring up the word “politician.” It connotes bad behavior.
Me: Wow! I’m beginning to really appreciate your wisdom.
Savvy: Thanks. My code is based upon knowledge gained from many political operatives, campaign managers, pollsters, media pundits and the like.
Me: Impressive. But I’m really worried about my positions on things like abortion, religious rights, race relations, and, you know, things like that—those messy ideological questions.
Savvy: As a general rule, you should always tailor your answer to your audience. Tell them what they want to hear. But, be careful about being caught on tape.
Me: What if the media is there with their cameras and mikes?
Savvy: Now you’re getting to the real difficult part: the part that separates you from your opponents. You have to be prepared to answer these types of questions with set slogans—scripted lines that repel follow-up questions but reveal little. For example, if you are a republican, you might say “I believe in the right to life and would fight ‘Roe vs. Wade.” Of course, you can’t fight the law, so nothing is really required of you. If you are a democrat, you say the opposite, “I believe in a woman’s right to choose and support ‘Roe vs. Wade.” Your constituency would expect nothing else from you. In either case, you avoid nuanced questions regarding rape, incest, teenage pregnancies and the like. Just keep repeating the same line. Responding to questions about race and religion are easier. Just say you believe in God and are against racial discrimination. If pressed on specific policies, answer with a long discourse about the importance of your faith in your life or about the black friends in your life or, better, the black families you’ve helped or supported in some way or another. Name-drop if you can, quote the Bible, or inject a well-known saying of Martin Luther King. The real goal here is to avoid having your sincerity questioned by outlasting your questioner with a drawn-out answer.
Me: You’re really good at this.
Savvy: Thanks. My program has been certified as “Standard Political Practice.”
Me: I’m really worried about personal attacks. How do I handle them?
Savvy: It depends upon the nature of the attack. But, in general, you admit nothing and steer the questioner to your opponent’s weaknesses.
Me: How do I do that?
Savvy: Guilt by association. It works every time. Maybe your opponent was seen in public with a white supremacist. Another approach: you can demand he/she release correspondence or records of meetings. Make sure your demand is unreasonable. Even failure to respond will imply guilt.
Me: I used to . . . well, on occasion, I would hire . . . you know, my marriage had some rocky times.
Savvy: “I never had sex with that woman” works, as long as the other woman never comes forth. Better, unless there are pictures, you can say simply “I love my wife and would never do anything to hurt her.” Just make sure she stands at your side and looks supportive.
Me: She hates me.
Savvy: In that case, maybe you should consider another profession.
Me: Ouch! Politics is really brutal.

At this point, I stopped my test. For the first time I realized why the remaining candidates in the current presidential campaign have called an opponent a liar. Maybe Savvy is right about considering another profession. With that in mind, I decided to make Twistcon available for free to any candidate looking for campaign advice.

American Democracy in a Dangerous World

Today’s blog asks the question whether the health of the American democracy is relevant to its survival in a contentious and dangerous world.

We all know that democracy, according to its Greek derivatives, means “people rule” or, less etymologically, “majority rules.” We also know that no Western democracy is governed by an Athenian forum where the vote of every citizen determines the specific rules or customs that every citizen must live by. We might call this form of democracy “big D.” Instead, contemporary democracies elect representatives of the public interests and invest them with the power to govern. We can call this form of self-government a representative democracy* or “little d.” The democratic principle of majority rule still applies, not only in the election of representatives but also in their functioning as legislators. The secret behind this form of democracy is that the minority CHOOSES to accept the will of the majority. That choice is based upon an unwavering belief in a democratic system and in its capacity to serve both the present and future needs of its citizens. A minority position may one day be held by a majority as circumstances or societal norms change. For example, decades ago a minority believed that widespread housing segregation and Jim Crow laws in the South were inhuman and contrary to the spirit of our Constitution. Today, a majority agree. Not very long ago, few people spoke in favor of same sex marriage. Today, it has become commonplace. This type of evolution is at the heart of any democracy and explains how America resolves its differences over time. American belief in democracy and its future falters when it excludes support a/o acceptance of majority rule—which explains the American public’s present disaffection with Congress. First, it has at times chosen to ignore the will of the majority of Americans, for example, when it refused to consider any form of gun control or to fund the government. These acts of obstruction are destructive inasmuch as they disregard the safety of American citizens and the integrity of their government. In these instances Congress was not tuned in to the people it represents. Secondly, congressional leadership has often obstructed legislative action by tabling bills it knows would pass. The perfect example of this type of undemocratic behavior is the immigration reform bill, passed by the Senate but tabled by House leaders. This type of obstruction directly splits the American polity into groups of citizens and non-citizens, exactly the same division that haunted the Greeks and endangered their democracy. By any definition, turning a deaf ear to the American majority and suppressing a majority vote within Congress are both undemocratic. Ignoring or preventing majority rule is categorically undemocratic and cannot be justified by claiming the minority opinion is more American. This perversion of a representative democracy is similar to the fiction created by dictators who justify their use of power by pretending to act in the interest of the governed.

The American combination of democracy and capitalism is not loved everywhere in the world. It often faces international opposition. For a good part of the last century the world witnessed a “face-off” between representative democracy and communism. It was called the Cold War; and its roots were planted in the nineteenth century in the contention between capitalism and communism—between the impact of the industrial revolution and the writings of Marx and Engels. They believed in a form of socialism where government was made up of people who, they believed, should not only hold the ultimate power but also the instruments of power, that is, the fruits of their labor to include property, the means of production, and all accumulated wealth. Marx called his tome “The Communist Manifesto” to connote its communal nature. His analysis of the pitfalls of capitalism, specifically wealth inequality, has found a new audience today. But his vision of equality in a socialist commune has never been realized. How could it? Human beings live as individuals with unique perspectives and personal proclivities, including ownership of property they claim as personal extensions of their selves. Besides, how would Marx’s ideal commune govern itself? Even monastic orders are governed by abbots and superiors. Nevertheless, Marx believed that a communist system would eventually be self-governing in order to ward off the ills of capitalism. We can call his form of communism “big C.” Lenin came along later and revised the socialism of Marx and Engels. He advocated for a strong central government that would own everything while assuring its citizens equal access to the products of labor and the resources of society. In his construct the will of the people would be subservient to an appointed apparatchik. And the bureaucrats in his proposed system would guard against the evils of capitalism by eliminating greed and distributing the accumulated wealth of the central government to all in equal measure. We can call Lenin’s view of communism “little c.” He never apostatized from his communist beliefs, he just advocated for a communist totalitarian government as the practical means to the future utopia envisioned by Marx. And thus the face of twentieth century communism was born. When everything is owned by the central government, all power is in the hands of the elite who control that government. People did NOT CHOOSE how they would be governed in this system. Free choice was not an option: acceptance was mandated. In this case, power was invested in the favored minority, thereby violating the very principle of socialism. Lenin’s construct functioned more like a cult where the elite or a strongman might govern with no other expectation from the governed other than their toil and unquestioning acceptance of state policy. Without this orthodoxy, communism would become no more than a form of oppression. With it, communists had created the fiction of a socialist state that was categorically not socialist. This perversion of socialism is the fiction created by dictators who justify their use of power by pretending to act in the interest of the governed.

Either unrepresentative democracies or the contemporary offshoots of communist totalitarian states can become dangerous. Both exemplify the perverted will to power I described as an aphrodisiac in “The Politics of Power.” The contention and competition between these governmental systems may not be a new Cold War, but can be something very much akin to it. Modern democracies, for instances, are challenged by Russian and Chinese governments directly descended from their communist progenitors. These countries play at their respective forms of “free” enterprise under control of a central government and a strongman with near absolute power. While China rattles the cages of Asian democracies with expansion of its military power and economic hegemony, Russia is busy undermining Europe and any projection of American influence in the world. Both countries and their respective leaders are focused on power. China’s President, Xi Jinping, is as concerned with his sphere of influence in Asia as Vladimir Putin is with his sphere of influence in Eastern Europe, Syria, and South Asia. Both are nuclear powers, though neither presents an existential threat to America at this time. But both present a challenge for America and its influence around the world. That challenge, however, differs in each case. China’s exports to the rest of the world give it economic leverage which it fashions mainly to its internal benefit. While it pillages Africa, the Middle East and Latin America of their natural resources, it avoids confrontation with America as long as America does not interfere with its interests in the South China Sea or Taiwan. China’s economic girth as perhaps the largest economy in the world pushes against America’s economic hegemony as the world’s most productive economy, holder of the world’s currency, and foremost international banker. China still has significant economic leverage: it can tweak its monetary policy to add billions of dollars to America’s trade deficit; and it holds 1.246 trillion dollars of the American 19 trillion dollar debt (as of 12/2015). Recently, China initiated its own infrastructure bank, attracting investments that many countries would have made to an American infrastructure bank where it not for a dithering Congress that refused to fund the President’s proposal. And now China is floating the idea of instituting its own monetary fund to compete with the International Monetary Fund that America initiated and largely influences.

Putin, on the other hand, never hesitates to explore every opportunity to extend or protect his hegemony. When Ukraine leaned toward an economic alliance with Europe, he immediately moved to annex Crimea and preserve his naval base there. When he saw his Ukrainian vassal fall from power, he immediately organized an invasion. He acted similarly when Assad’s government in Syria was threatened. He used his military to shore up Assad and protect another Russian naval base. As long as Putin acts within his sphere of influence, the West has been willing to play his game to a stalemate but has simultaneously been reluctant under American leadership to knock his pieces off the board (reference “What Strategy?”). The problem with Putin, however, is deeper than these tactical interventions in neighboring states. He is a former KGB Cold War warrior. Before the fall of Soviet Russia, which he considers the great disaster of the twentieth century, he was actively involved in destabilizing western democracies. Every conceivable right wing group received money and arms from the KGB, even when it was unsolicited. Also, Russian propaganda during that period was relentless in depicting the sins of the West. Today, Putin funds the same type of propaganda throughout Europe and the United States. Fortunately for America, Putin apparently no longer has the resources to fund dissidents in the West. But he is finding some welcome allies for destabilizing western democracies. Daesh in particular has weakened the European coalition with the refugee crisis and the terrorists it has spawned. And the American Congress has done its part to weaken America’s role in international diplomacy: undermining the Iran nuclear deal, refusing to ratify treaties negotiated by the Administration**, and declining to authorize the use of military force (AUMF) in support of the President’s anti-terrorist campaign. Putin has taken advantage of the Daesh diversion and this division in American leadership with his military adventures in Eastern Europe and Syria. In addition, he has given vocal support to the right wing voices emerging in many European countries and, deviously, to one of his admirers in the current American presidential campaign. If limited in resources, there is no better way to win a zero sum game than to encourage your opponent to weaken its self.

The international community is like a gathering of contentious and sometimes warring tribes. America, since World War II, has tried to act as a defusing, organizing, and at times intervening agent. Obviously, it has not always chosen the best means or experienced the best outcome. But it has almost always acted with one voice, until now. What America presents to the world today is a cacophony of voices. Congress tables Administration requests for a 2016 AUMF to fight terrorists or a 2014 AUMF to punish a rogue state for violating international prohibitions against genocide a/o the use of chemical weapons, attempts to undermine a nuclear disarmament agreement, voices agreement with world leaders who oppose American foreign policy—even praising Putin on the floor of Congress, and ridicules any and all agreements the Administration attempts to make with China whether on trade, monetary policy, climate change or coordination of military operations near China and in the South China Sea. In the past, for the most part, issues like these were debated until a vote was cast, and then the nation spoke with one voice. Even when America errored, like in the questionable 2003 AUMF against Iraq or the Gulf of Tonkin resolution that spurred the Vietnam War, it spoke with one voice. Democracies can make mistakes, but they can learn from them too. Broken democracies do not learn from their mistakes, do not resolve their differences, and cannot evolve.

Soldiers who volunteer for military service sometimes fight in wars they would otherwise not support. They do so because they are Americans. Members of the House and Senate debate issues, vote their preferences, and, hopefully, abide by the will of the majority. They do so because they are Americans and are representatives in a democratic system of government. Failure to do so, however, can result in two really bad outcomes: outwardly our nation appears divided and unable to contest or compete effectively on the world stage; inwardly, our citizens become disaffected and disassociated with their government. One might argue that the majority is not always right, as more than a few failed military interventions can attest. But that argument only emphasizes the need for more reasoned debate and an effective media-informed electorate. All governments make mistakes. The main benefit of a democracy is the public forum where issues can be debated and solutions can be found by reasonable compromise. America is now the oldest democracy to grace this planet. But it was not born perfect. And we would not have survived as a democracy if we still had slaves or denied women the vote. America is, as our founding fathers fully recognized, a work in progress. Ironically, America has even incorporated government-managed social services into its representative democracy, thereby saving socialism from its “little c” abortion and giving “little d” the more human inflection of social justice. America will persist in history as long as it continues to progress under the moral and cultural impetus of a majority of its people. But that progress is obstructed by those who use power for their own purposes to the exclusion of the majority. They tear the fabric of democracy and expose us to the viral infection of power seekers both within and without.

*There are a few exceptions to “little d” at the state level. For instance, in California all residents can vote for an “initiative” that has the power of law or for a “referendum” that can and has removed an elected official.
**Most of these unratified treaties were negotiated with the goal of replicating existing domestic law into international law. A few noteworthy examples include The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, The Biodiversity Convention, and The Framework Convention on Tobacco. Executive agreements like the Bretton Woods of 1945 that established the World Bank and the IMF deliberately circumvent the treaty ratification responsibility of the U. S. Senate. These types of agreements represent 95% of all international agreements made by America between 1939 and 1989. Nevertheless, for over a hundred years they have been a bone of contention between several Administrations and their respective Senates. And, as one might expect, they have triggered many Constitutional challenges. So it is understandable that the Obama Administration would call upon his executive authority to negotiate the recent Climate Change Agreement in Paris and that the U. S. Senate would threaten to undermine it.

A Peripatetic in Time

Perhaps being the son of a mailman has something to do with my obsessive proclivity for walking. Rarely do I miss the opportunity for my daily stroll along the San Francisco Bay. It enriches me. I only have to observe and absorb. Today, for example, I saw two butterflies dancing in the air, likely enthralled in some kind of mating ritual. They are part of a repopulation event that has been repeated for over 400 million years within the insect population. On this day, the advent of spring lined my path with the descendants of plants and trees that have thrived for as long as insects. I thought of the dinosaurs that roamed, as I do now, over similar green plains 300 million years ago. Framed within this green-scape, I came across an explosion of yellow orange wildflowers, like the flowering plants that have brightened earth’s landscape for the past 130 million years. And then I encountered a woman walking her dog and a jogger running by me, calling to mind the first humans to walk the face of the earth some 200,000 years ago. Of course, humans are part of the fecundity of nature. But somehow we are apart from it as well. Jogging, playing, building, mining, writing, painting, fighting, and so many other activities have a uniquely human trajectory. Our history, however, may or may not align with mother earth. Our planet has existed for over 4.5 billion years and has passed the halfway point of its life span. However, scientists believe it may not be able to support human life beyond another 1.75 billion years. So nature has given us an expiration date. We cannot extend it on earth. But we can shorten it. My question for the day: will we last as long as the living organisms that greet my daily stroll?

As I have already stated, walking is an obsession for me. So it is easily explainable why I love to walk the cities I visit, observing and relating to all I see. Once, my peripatetic ways led me to the beautifully manicured grounds of a Viennese government building. The building was reminiscent of another era when emperors ruled and nobility paid obeisance there. But on this day, I passed nearly alone, except for a father and his young daughter ahead of me. They were holding hands and moving at a pace the 5 or s 6 year old could manage. Then the father stopped and looked at something on the ground. His action was unexpected and startled me. I too stopped and followed his gaze. There on the path was a crumpled piece of paper. The little girl first looked up at her father, then looked down, mimicking my response. As soon as she saw the crumpled paper, she released her father’s hand, quickly picked up the paper, ran to a nearby trash receptacle, and deposited it there. As she returned to her father and took his hand, I remained standing there, watching them walk away and absorbing the significance of what I had just witnessed. Not a word had been spoken between the pair. Yet this child had obeyed the silent dictum of her father and, unwittingly, of her Austrian community. My thoughts turned to the nature of a respectful, obedient, good mannered and well behaved society. Those thoughts were comforting and made me feel secure, until the image of a people duped by the Fuhrer intervened. How can a society protect itself from the opportunism of an authoritarian who promises to maintain the security of a well-ordered society by falsely scapegoating and violently eliminating contrived threats? Now, fast-forward to the present. A German periodical recently reported that over 200 German refugee shelters were “attacked or firebombed” in 2015. Apparently, there are still a few people in Germany who want to preserve their way of life by eliminating “dangerous” outsiders, in this case, refugees.

In 2005, I had the opportunity to spend several weeks in the City of Lights. By day, I walked the length and breadth of Paris, enthralled by both the city and its people. I discovered that the French are as enamored by their culture as they are with each other. Every day was a revelation in humanism: the ideal of beauty in art, of richness in culture, and of love in the intimate moments they shared with each other and often in public. But there were parts of Paris I apparently had missed in my wandering. It was the occasion of my return from an excursion to Italy that I discovered the City’s dark side. The car radio broadcasted frightening news: a government mandated curfew had been announced because of riots and the burning of over six hundred cars in the streets of Paris. The next day I walked the streets again, but saw something different on the faces of those I passed. I saw both determination and anxiety. What I learned then about the two faces of Paris gave me context for the more recent terrorists’ attacks of 2015. Apparently, there are outsiders in France who are unassimilated into French society and who can present a threat to its wellbeing.

I have walked the streets of more than a few of the major cities in the world, many of which are in America. My observations of those American cities are similar in some aspects, yet different in general. Every American city I have visited has enclaves living outside of the mainstream culture or ideal, much like cities in other countries. The difference in America is the general nature of our society. That nature is built upon a revolutionary fervor and a frontiersman attitude towards the future. We are a strongly independent-minded, self-reliant people whose curiosity propels our future like a continuing adventure saga. We value personal freedom above all, customarily displaying an inordinate repulsion of authoritarianism in favor of egalitarianism. The latter, however, requires more of us. Specifically, it is not possible to believe in freedom for all when a significant plurality of the nation lives in poverty a/o without equal opportunity in education, in occupation, in judicial process, or in government services. Egalitarianism presumes consideration for others. Philanthropy in America gives evidence that we care for one another. We just need to have that care permeate every aspect of our culture and our politics. Without it, we breed the same outsider groups found in major cities around the world. And those groups may or may not become a physical threat to our nation as a whole; but they certainly are an obstacle to our nation’s ability to realize its full potential and the promise of its founding principles. Cities like Chicago, New York, Los Angeles, and many more are afflicted with poor, run-down neighborhoods, and angry youth whose future prospects are not promising. Nonetheless, those prospects are either America’s opportunity for gain or shame.

And so today I walk through the green mansions of spring beside the sun-sparkling ripples of the San Francisco Bay. The trees are bursting with new leaves; wild flowers brighten my path; and the first pair of Canadian geese sound the advent of an early migration while redwing blackbirds sing the commencement of their annual nesting at the local pond. The cycle of life continues. We, unfortunately, will not be part of that cycle for long if we continue to allow divisions within our societies and maintain inequality in our systems. The selfishness and greed that hoard wealth and resources are also the catalysts for the irreverent pillaging of the earth. If we continue without care, our societies may degrade into chaos even before mother earth can take our measure. Our current path through human history may not only be unsustainable, but even self-destructive. Again, I feel compelled to repeat my question: will we last as long as the living organisms that greet my daily stroll?

Election Craze versus Governing Sanity

Elections seasons feed emotions like catnip for felines. Politicians stir up feelings that speak to our anger, our fears, our dissatisfactions, and our prejudices. A national campaign can release a flood of dammed up emotions. Although I have recently argued for limiting the time devoted to Federal election campaigns (reference “American Revolution 2016”), I may have underestimated the length of time required for Americans to move beyond our angst. But we must do so. In a diverse society of over three hundred million people, there will always be unresolved issues that challenge our sense of fairness, security, and unfulfilled needs. These issues will not be resolved by emotionally charged and unrealistic or misleading promises. The latter will not stand up to logic and sometimes they even defy ethics. Let me explain by way of a few examples.

One of the Republican candidates has stated that the Party’s frontrunner should not win the primary nomination because his presidency would be a disaster for the Party and for the country. But when asked whether he would support that candidate if nominated, he quickly acquiesced, saying he would honor his oath to do so. This position he justified as a man of his word. In other words, he was taking a moral stand. Let’s break down his logic:

The potential presidency of my opponent would be a disaster for the country;
However, I will support this candidate if he wins the Party nomination;
Therefore, I will support the disaster of his potential presidency.

The logic is sound, but the ethics are questionable. This candidate is more committed to his Party than to those whose vote he seeks and whose interests he promises to serve. Let’s look at another candidate’s promise:

I do not condone violence at my campaign events;
However, I will pay the court expenses for anyone arrested for attacking a demonstrator at one of my campaign events;
Therefore, paying court expense for someone attacking a demonstrator is not condoning violence.

Both the logic and the ethics defy common sense. But these illogical a/o unethical miscues are not the most troubling declarations we hear. Some of the policy proposals are appealing on the surface, but totally unrealistic on closer view. For example, a leading Republican candidate wants to eliminate the IRS and impose a flat tax of 10% on every citizen. For the well-to-do, this proposal would be a “god send”—eliminating many tax forms and significantly reducing the tax burden. But for the less fortunate, it would spell disaster: 10% of twenty or thirty thousand has a much bigger impact than 10% of one million. On the Democratic side of the ledger, both candidates want to change our health care system by either improving Obamacare or replacing it with a single payer system, aka, “Medicare for all.” Both of these positions are logical and ethical. But are they practical? Republicans have tried to repeal Obamacare over 60 times now and are unlikely to advance any legislation that would strengthen, improve, or make it more cost effective. Likewise, Democrats have already turned down a single payer system in 2008 when they had control of Congress. The fact that a single payer system would costs less overall is mitigated by the fact that it would require more of the Federal budget. What Congress is likely to raise taxes or to reduce other Government expenditures on large ticket items like the Pentagon, CIA, and NSA? Neither proposal would even be considered unless the Democrats swept the Congressional elections in both Houses, which seems unlikely. Nevertheless, both Democratic candidates seem to be aiming for a strong electoral mandate to sway Congress in their favor. The Affordable Care Act changed healthcare from being strictly a business to more of a service. It would take a very strong electoral push before that service might become a right. (I have written about this topic more than once. If you are interested, review “Subtlety versus Bombast,” “What Follows Obamacare,” “Obamacare Five Years Later,” a/o “ACA: Affordable or Not?.”)

Perhaps more troubling are some of the candidates’ foreign policy statements. They not only fail the test of logic, but challenge the moral conscience of Americans. How does one justify carpet bombing, torture, and the elimination of terrorists’ families? Daesh, for instance, is certainly a threat; but, unlike Al Qaeda, they have yet to set foot on American soil. Except for “enhance interrogation techniques,” America did not even exercise these proposed options against Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. And Al Qaeda brazenly killed defenseless civilians in the American homeland. Moreover, some candidates seem to view America’s foreign relations as win or lose contests in commerce, technology, and military power. In this context, they believe we should not hesitate to increase tariffs, fight cyber wars, or even use military force to “win.” In this simplistic view, treaties, sanctions, and diplomacy should be subservient to aggressive use of force. If the current Administration had followed this path, we would already be bombing North Korea, invading Syria and Iraq, and facing Russian troops on a Ukrainian battlefield. We would be in a monetary tryst with China and a tariff war with both China and Mexico, two of our largest trading partners. In other words, our country would be overextended on several military fronts and trapped in a hyperinflationary trade war. Even if I appear to be exaggerating the consequences, clearly there are nuances to be considered and weighed in the balance.

Given time, I am sure we will survive the demagoguery and heated debates of this campaign theater. We only have to assess the substance of what candidates propose and set aside their attempts to manipulate our emotions. Elections only appear to be about winning and losing. They really are about governing—specifically, about how we choose to be governed and how America engages with the world.

The Politics of Power

The American Presidential election has all the drama and pathos of an unfolding Shakespearean tragedy. Will Donald Trump be abandoned by the very Party whose members appear to want him as their leader? And will he find himself, like King Lear, blind to the circumstances of his own fall from power? Will Hillary Clinton succumb to the whisper campaign of many devious Iagos? And will she fall, like Othello, by her own desperate hand, adding to the disgrace of her spouse’s accused infidelity? The “rise and fall of the great”—which today seems to be the rich and/or famous—is a story of unending appeal. But the quest for power in a democracy has another byline. That story is not really about personal hubris. It is about us.

Steven Colbert does a riff off the “Hunger Games,” called the “Hunger for Power Games.” What makes his humor poignant is the truth it only partially conceals. For many, power is an aphrodisiac. The adopted philosopher of the Third Reich, Frederick Nietzsche, theorized that all motivation comes from the will to power. Clearly, Adolph Hitler undertook this motivation literally. His “struggle,” as he called it, was his personal rise to power. But Nietzsche was no proto-fascist. The power he sought and sublimated was the discipline of the accomplished, the creativity of the artist, and the acquired wisdom of the philosopher. The true measure of power cannot be found in itself, but in what it attains. Conquering other nations or winning elections in order to gain power has no value, unless it serves worthwhile ends. The German people once fell under the spell of that powerful drug without foreseeing its consequences. Today, we Americans have no Hitler to capture our imagination. But we do have history’s lesson to consider. Although recent military and financial setbacks have dimmed somewhat our national self-image, America in no way exemplifies the devastation or rebuilding challenge faced by Germany after World War I. Also, we are a more diverse people with many more interests for our elected leaders to address. The campaign melodrama and its media megaphone must not divert our attention away from those general interests. The man or woman who wins this election does not gain power for him/her self. It is the voters who must take center stage, for we alone grant that power. And we must demand it be used for the benefit of all Americans and definitely not for the self-aggrandizement of a President or a Party.

Each presidential candidate must answer this simple question, “Why do you want to be President.” The answer cannot be simply to win the polls, to defeat opposing candidates, to prove personal superiority, or to enhance a political brand. Winning is not the end goal, but the means to achieving something. That something in our democracy has to relate to the common good, that is, to the benefit of Americans, their families, and their communities. And it has to be specific. The artist paints a picture; the philosopher writes a treatise; the athlete trains his body to perform at its highest level; the politician explains how he/she will conduct himself in office, not in aphorisms, but in concrete policies he/she will support. Policy positions, however, must not only withstand reasonable critique but also fair scrutiny of their proponent’s sincerity. How else can a candidate not only explain his/her rationale for seeking the Presidency but also win the trust of the electorate? Only we the voters can grant that trust and anoint a candidate. The ultimate power is in our vote. Therefore, it is our task to determine when candidates are inauthentic. For some of them it is nearly impossible to adhere to the wisdom of Edgar in “King Lear”: “speak what we feel, not what we ought to say.” Candidates for office often lose themselves in their stump speeches and campaign slogans. And debates can be simply zero sum games in which attacking and discrediting opponents take precedence over substance. Sometimes candidates seem to reveal more about themselves in interviews and town hall meetings where they often are less guarded and at times even candid. In any case, a critical responsibility of the electorate is the task of finding out which candidate is most trustworthy and deserving of our highest office.

Although determining the trustworthiness of presidential candidates is important, more is required of us as voters in our republican form of democracy. Our founding fathers clearly understood that the success of our democracy depended upon an informed electorate. We citizens, as a result, are tasked to decipher serious policy options, like whether “keeping America safe” involves building walls at our borders, carpet bombing possible future terrorists, restocking our nuclear arsenal, and/or building more cohesive international coalitions; like whether “preserving and growing the middle class” requires raising the minimum wage nationally, reforming the tax code, making higher education more affordable, curtailing international trade agreements, and/or rebuilding infrastructure; or like whether “cleaning up the mess in Washington” means public financing of elections, limiting lobbyists’ access to politicians, and/or replacing State gerrymandering with uniform redistricting standards for all Federal elections. These are just a few of the many issues before us. Besides the burden of trust then, each citizen has the responsibility to educate his/her self on these issues.

Hamlet speculated that “there’s a divinity that shapes our ends, Roughhew them how we will.” Perhaps that “divinity” is, in part, the common sense we glean and the conscience we develop from living and learning from our mistakes. But even the most conscientious of voters cannot affect a desired outcome without a plurality, the beating heart of every democracy. The electorate must coalesce around one candidate and his/her message. Herein, it seems to me, is the crux of this election season. It is obvious that our system is built around trustworthy candidates and an informed electorate. Less obvious, perhaps, is the absolute need for an organic community that is bound by common principles. That community was presumed by our founding fathers. Its common principles are institutionalized in our form of government and in its Constitution. On the floor of the Senate it has long been understood that disagreements are expected, but not disagreeableness. The same must be true of the body politic. At this time, it is not just Washington that appears broken. This election cycle has exposed apparently unyielding rifts in our less-than-organic community. Lack of respect for our differences and mistrust of motives have rent the fabric of our electorate, just as it has between many of our presidential candidates. It is easy to blame the contention between the Parties in Congress and between the Executive and Legislative branches of our government. But we Americans seem no less divided and no less unyielding from pre-established positions. In our system there is a price to pay for intolerance of our differences. That price is stagnation, chaos, and/or failure of the system as a whole.

Our founders spent a humid summer in Philadelphia drafting the Constitution. They argued daily on every line of that document and compromised on many issues, including the issue of slavery. They knew they had not resolved all their differences, but reached complete unanimity on the result of their collaboration: the foundation of a United States of America and the principles on which it stands. Many of them also believed that in time the nation would free the slaves as it would continue to coalesce around that fundamental principle of individual freedom for all. What characterized these men (for women were still excluded at that time) were respect for their differences, trust in their ability to compromise, acceptance of majority rule, and faith in the future of the self-correcting government they had created. This last point is based upon the power placed in the hands of the American electorate. We merely have to live up to their expectations. We have the power AND the responsibility to demand our elected officials to “form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessing of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity . . .”

All Federal elections, and especially presidential elections, place a serious burden of responsibility on the electorate. Only we can choose who will wrestle with the key issues of our time. Our decision defines who we are as a people and what traditions will survive for future generations of Americans. If the presidential contest were staged like a play before a conflicted American electorate, one might be tempted to quote Hamlet out of context: “The play’s the thing wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the King.”

(Postscript: I pray Shakespeare will forgive me from the grave. And I firmly believe America will bear a better fate than either Hamlet or his King.)

Global Homogeneity: A New Pangaea

Normally one thinks of homogenization as the process whereby the saturated fat and milk from different cows are mixed into a blend. This blog will not, however, be about milk. The emphasis will be on the mixing and blending that is occurring daily in our world and the possible amalgam we are creating—what I am hypothetically calling a virtual Pangaea.

“Pangaea” was the name the German meteorologist Alfred Wegener gave to a prehistoric world consisting of one supercontinent. Even before the discovery of plate tectonics, he could come up with no better explanation for how species were disseminated over widely dispersed continents and islands. According to Darwin, the diversity of species required separation over a long period of time. But how was it, Wegener wondered, that paleontologists had found ancient fossil remains of the same reptiles and plants on continents separated by oceans, unless these species developed during a period when the continents were joined? He was right, of course. Eventually, the theory of tectonic plates explained both Wegener’s and Darwin’s suppositions: once the tectonic plates separated, species diversified in separate biospheres. The great diversity of life found in the fossil record is the result of this separation. But, today, that diversity is diminishing at an astounding rate. If the shrinking of our modern world resembles a virtual supercontinent, how is that effecting diversity? And why are so many species disappearing? The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) estimates 40% of the world’s species are currently at risk of extinction. Of more concern is that the rate of extinction is increasing. So what will the new Pangaea be like?

All of us have heard of the meteorite that wiped out the dinosaurs. But most species extinctions are gradual affairs resulting from epoch-length events like the earth’s periodic freeze/thaw cycles or the conflict/competition between species. Currently, the earth is in a thaw cycle wherein the earth is heating up at a rate unprecedented in geological time, that is, in hundreds versus tens of thousands of years. Biospheres that would normally attain species equilibrium over long periods are becoming stressed by the rapidity of change and the introduction of competing life forms, both invasive and predatory. These new life forms compete with the indigenous species. In the past, their impact was likely gradual, occurring over a long period of time, and may have been merely the result of chance—like the formation of a land bridge across the Bering Straits or a change of direction in an ocean current. But, in our modern world, humans can effect change much faster than evolution or geological transformation. We are actively intermingling life forms from all corners of the world and at an accelerated rate. This species intermixing is defeating environmental acclimation and symbiotic relationships that may have required thousands of years of evolution, resulting in the demise of many species, like bats, frogs, bees, and many others.

Humans are, of course, aware of the transcontinental migration of threats such as Ebola or Zika, which we carry with us in our travels. They represent an immediate danger to us. But we are less aware of other non-threatening bacteria and evasive species that hitchhike with us as well. They often destroy or compete with native life forms, interfering with the symbiotic relationships these life forms have evolved with each other and their environment. Moreover, human industrial and technological development is terraforming the planet making it both uninhabitable for some life forms and depleting the resources and space required for many others. Elizabeth Hubert refers to this unhappy happenstance as the sixth great extinction event. Her recent book, titled appropriately “The Sixth Extinction,” documents the scientific evidence which, if placed before an independent tribunal, would clearly call for the conviction of our species. Her book paints a future world inhabited by humans and possibly few remaining species. I wonder whether we can even project what species will survive besides our own. Perhaps only rats, mosquitoes, cockroaches, and an unlikely brew of microorganisms will survive in the wild. The only other survivors will be our pets and the inhabitants of our zoos. With our ability to transgress continents, we have shrunk the seas that separate us and created a virtual supercontinent, a homogeneous world that is a uniquely human concoction. But this new, virtual Pangaea may be a lonely place indeed, devoid of the rich diversity this planet has provided for millennia.

This new emerging Pangaea has several other components. Besides the growing numerical dominance of humans, there is the homogenous impact of globalization. Built on the hydrocarbon energy platform, the economies of nearly all nation states are interconnecting at an accelerated rate. This interconnection is not only visible in import/export trade, but in all aspects of manufacturing, technological innovation, and research. For example, the next generation of passenger planes is being engineered by an international corporation from component parts made on several continents. This new flying “omnibus” will be the result of a global consortium, where each contributing entity provides its Lego-like components. Herein is another example of our species superiority. We may have less than a 4% difference in our gene pool from the chimpanzee, our closest existing primate relative; nevertheless, only we have the capability for collective problem solving and collaborative action. It is this superiority that enables us to transform our world into one grand economic model that serves our increasingly urban lifestyle. When you travel to places like Paris, Beijing, Tokyo, London, and so on, you will find high rises, restaurants, commercial buildings, and retail outlets that mirror each other. Unfortunately, you will also find slums. The world we are creating is built of steel, concrete, and human ingenuity, unlike the Pangaea nature evolved over 180 million years ago. That Pangaea was teeming with living organisms where only the fittest would survive. In our new Pangaea, we define the “fittest” differently. While globalization may well lift millions out of dire poverty, it has simultaneously helped to propagate a huge disparity in wealth and a growing discontent. Regardless of indigenous cultures, the great cities of the world, however uniquely imposing, are all alike, the result of a vast global economy and a recognizable population of urbanites. They are ever expanding metropolises, scarred by inequality, like the graffiti scrawled on their walls.

Another component of this new Pangaea is the growing homogeneity created by the internet. Initially, the internet was instituted as a means for engineers, researchers, and educators to collaborate. Today, it can be a portico for all types of communication, crossing all barriers—cultural, racial, religious, political, and even personal. Recently, for instance, I discovered this blog has subscribers on four continents and my books can be ordered from online booksellers in several countries. When we communicate in this vast sea of the internet, our message can touch all shores. We are opening a dialogue that can transcend our differences and speak to our common humanity. But the internet has no filter for the undisciplined, the undiscerning, and the immoral. It can be a two edged sword. Social media, for example, can promote shared perspectives and, hopefully, mutual understanding. It is also possible that it may foment the trivial, the mundane, and the perverse, becoming no more than a gossip forum, or, worse, a haven for propagandists, radicals, and hate-mongers. Consider the recent emergence of right wing radicalism and religious fanaticism. It appears that as internet traffic proliferates, so may its messaging incoherence and the amplified polarization of its content. This aspect of the new Pangaea may reverse the Tower of Babel, but its content may become more destabilizing than the mere confusion of people speaking in different languages.

But more than the propagandized recruitment of terrorists or the xenophobic rabblerousing of demagogues threaten world stability. There are other ways in which this new Pangaea puts us at risk, perhaps more at risk than at any time in human history. For we are not only in the process of eliminating a vast majority of all other species on this planet, but of creating an interdependent global economy that despoils the nutrients in our land, pollutes our drinking water, and spews carbon dioxide into the atmosphere at the same time as we defoliate the planet of its only atmospheric cleansing system. The carbon dioxide issue is of vital, even historic concern. A consensus of scientific authorities, as quoted in a recent Washington Post article, estimates that a global temperature increase of 2 degrees Celsius (that is, 3.5 degrees Fahrenheit) will lead to “increased droughts, rising seas, mass extinctions, heat waves, desertification, wildfires, acidifying oceans, significant economic disruption, and security threats.”

Living in a global economy and a universally connected world may appear to be a panacea. Many of our world leaders believe in this type of homogeneity. Perhaps more than a few Americans believe we can or should build a new world order fashioned upon our system of capitalism, democracy and technology. But our system is not yet wholly mature: we are still building “a more perfect union.” Within our midst, we have income inequality, segregated outcasts, the environmental hazards of a growing hydrocarbon industry, and the angry voices of the despairing and rebellious filling our airwaves. Besides, our attempts to impose our system on other nation states have more often led to wars than to any form of homogeneity. The mixing of peoples and cultures in this fashion is not likely to result in a solution for the human condition, for it suspends too many indissoluble parts. The building of a new world order—a new Pangaea, if you will—must follow a different path. For the current Pangaea project is built upon a fallacy: it disregards the fundamental characteristic of our human condition. We are unique individuals. We build unique societies and cultures. What can bind all peoples together into an American or even global community is not the sameness of economic, political, and communication systems, but mutual respect for our differences. That respect is born from the love and compassion we share with our intimates AND can be willfully transferred to others with whom we share this common human experience of family and friendship. The life experience of each individual human is not felt in a sterile utopia or in a vacuous Ethernet, but in relation to other humans and to the rich diversity of this planet. Those relationships are what make us evolved super-primates and spur our collective achievements.

If a new world order is to be created, it must be built upon respect for each other and for all of nature’s bounty and diversity. However, it cannot be the Pangaea currently emerging and even promulgated by those who envision it. For that vision looks more like the poet’s description of a wasteland—a dire fate for humanity indeed.

(As a postscript I might add that homogenized milk does eventually turn sour as the fat rises to the top.)

Paradigms or Paradoxes?

One of the chapters in my first published novel was called “paradigmatic paradoxes.” In that chapter there were many examples of paradigms that seemed to operate in reverse, deliberately disguising truths they paradoxically revealed. What appeared unnatural was actually natural. What action might be termed predictable proved not so. My protagonist could no longer be the person others defined, nor act as prescribed by others. The paradigms that had previously governed him were disrupted by a new found reality. Today, we need to disrupt a few paradigms, else lose our moral focus and perhaps our future.

Both paradigms and paradoxes place something before us (from the Greek prefix, para, “before”). A paradigm simply displays or shows us a pattern, form, perhaps a model or archetype (from the Greek, deiknynai, “to show”). A paradox, on the other hand, has a subtle undercurrent of meaning that must be derived: it forces us to think (from the Greek, dokein, “to think”). My combination of these two words is in fact a paradox: my way of saying that appearances can be deceiving. For example, here are a few examples of contemporary paradigms that can also function as paradoxes for those brave enough to think through their implications:

• In the current political climate, it is common to hear the Reaganesque claim that “government is the problem.” This is the paradigm advocated by many politicians. The paradox here is the fact that our government was founded as a rebuttal to this mantra. A government “of the people, by the people, and for the people” must be self-governing and be led by duly elected representatives of the people who reflect their will and serve their general welfare. Reagan understood his role as an elected representative tasked to reform government in the interest of the electorate. It is doubtful that he intended his tax and regulative reform efforts to become an anti-government paradigm. Today, it has become that paradigm. Accordingly, the American government is characterized as intrusive of our privacy, as restrictive of our rights, and as regulative of our liberties. But if we accept the paradigm, then we must admit our failure to preserve the government bequeathed to us by our founding fathers. In more blunt terms, we are no longer self-governing. If the paradigm accurately reflects the current status of our government, then we are slipping into the moneyed oligarchy that Hamilton feared and that we already may be living. Realization of this underlying paradox could be the impetus to vote for systemic change in the upcoming elections (see “American Revolution 2016”).

• With respect to science and technology, we often hear that “global warming is a hoax.” This is the paradigm advocated by those who want to preserve the hydrocarbon energy system that currently fuels the advanced economies of the world. Because paradigms are prescribed ways of seeing the world, they can be hard to dislodge. In fact, disrupting a paradigm is very uncomfortable, for it forces a new way of seeing and, perhaps, of living. Climate change deniers resist this disruption with many arguments, none of which admit to clear reasoning. The House of Representatives’ Committee on Science, Space and Technology, for example, believes in the paradigm. Its representatives have argued that global warming has been disproved by comments in the public press, that scientific journals debunking this hoax are not believable because they are published purely for financial gain, that scientists who ignore the irreversible impact of earth’s wobble offer no justification for the massive lifestyle changes they advocate, that it has never been established at what level rising CO2 levels present a direct hazard to humans, that the melting of floating icebergs cannot raise sea levels, and that promotion of climate change is an appalling scare tactic. (If you find these positions unbelievable, check the congressional record.) Actually, the scientific literature is clear on all of these points. CO2 levels have risen sharply over the last hundred years, and not as a result of the earth’s wobble that spans tens of thousands of years. Rising CO2 levels are not an immediate health hazard to humans, but their effect on climate change will be. A rising sea level occurs when glaciers melt on land and empty into the sea, not when seasonal changes alternately freeze and unfreeze Artic/Antarctic seas. But rational attempts to disrupt this “hoax” paradigm cannot succeed against sophistry and emotional recoil. The latter protects believers in this paradigm from their fear of a reality that would change their lives. The paradigm is protection against the paradox.

There are many paradigms lurking in our social consciousness and impinging on our personal reality. They are the mental models formed by our experience, too often reflective of our conditioning and our fears. But Americans have built a nation that has disrupted some seemingly ironclad paradigms of the past. We no longer count slaves as fractional humans, as we once did in our Constitution. We no longer consider marriage between different races unnatural or even illegal. In fact, we now even recognize same sex marriages. These paradigms were disrupted because we grew to recognize the underlying paradoxes: the nobility of every human being and the sanctity of love.

Paradigm shifts, as Thomas Kuhn pointed out years ago, often emerge as a result of crisis when old paradigms are proven unreliable. Before we face crisis, however, we can admit the paradoxes in the two paradigms I have enumerated here. Neither belief in nor support for the anti-government or anti-climate change paradigms will result in better government or a better planetary environment—which is why these paradigms are paradoxical. In truth, these paradigms harbor prophetic portents for the American republic and the human race. They jeopardize both.

Systemic Depression

I have to confess to a propensity for paradox, both in the titles of my books and of this blog. Do I mean to say that systems can be depressed or depressing? Well, both perspectives seem valid to me, depending upon their effect upon themselves or upon us. My intent here is to engage you, my reader, with a different way to adjudge our human systems and to envision the 21st century. Let me explain.

In an interconnected world, there is almost always a flipside to the most well-intentioned actions. The United Nations, for example, is a global organization involved in humanitarian and peace missions around the world. In order to meet its goals, it must identify patterns and interdependencies where its intervention or manipulation can be effective. It is a system like any of the systems with which it interacts. Naturally its purpose is to make these systems work well and serve humanity. Occasionally, however, we hear about its limitations: cost overruns, ineffective peacekeeping forces, failed peace talks, and so on. But do any of us understand what really went wrong or where the ball was dropped? We have a general idea of the U. N. as an organizational system without explicit knowledge of its inner working. There are many things on the global stage that are beyond our specific knowledge. For example, we know that Daesh is a terrorist organization that has opportunistically inserted itself into the civil unrest in Syria and that Russia has orchestrated a similarly opportunistic intervention in Crimea and Ukraine as a result of political unrest in Kiev. But do we know the specifics about what plans are being undertaken, what contending ambitions are afoot, or what various end states can be anticipated. Our lack of knowledge of how these and many other systems or organizations interrelate can be very depressing. We are at a point in history when we know more about world events than ever before without really knowing their roots or trajectory. Whether it is the U. N., a sovereign nation, or a jihadist group with a world domination ethos, the inner workings and prospects of these entities on the world stage are mainly hidden from view. As a result, it becomes problematic to predict outcomes and to avoid unintended consequences. The interaction of large systems can look like a pinball machine on steroids. For example, the interactions between the U. N., Daesh, and Russia has triggered trade sanctions, refugee crises, bombing campaigns, terrorists’ attacks, humanitarian aid shortfalls, and unprecedented suffering and destruction. And the cycle of depressed and depressing states persists both within and without these self-propelled systems on the international stage.

The same conflicted situation exists within our national borders. The United States is not only the world’s oldest democracy, but a recognized super power—militarily, financially, and technologically. Yet it would be difficult to explain how our government’s internal systems actually function. Few of us understand our tax system or the extent of our regulatory structure. We know there are billions of dollars unaccounted for in many of our systems: Medicare fraud, wasteful government contracts, unregistered military expenditures, tax evasion schemes, and so on. Systemic failures often raise unanswered questions. For example, why does it take years to repair a structurally unsound bridge, to file a mere report on water delivery systems, to revise legislation with unintended, even damaging consequences, and so on? What can be said about our national government can also be said about state and local governments. When faced with the depressive complexity of our governmental systems, we can become both perplexed and depressed. And so the same cycle of depressed and depressing system states persists on the national, state, and local governmental stage.

Now if international, national, and local governmental systems seem impenetrable, they may yet appear less opaque than the systems of behavior we experience with our family and work associates. Why does “Uncle Harry always get under my skin?” Why does the holiday meal with family tend unerringly to descend into the same adolescent contentions? Our family relations operate according to systems of behavior developed over time. These systems can be not only dysfunctional and difficult to change, but are often inscrutable and sometimes depressing as well. Even within the intimate relationships of family, we may find ourselves caught in a cycle of depressed and depressing states. In fact, if work place surveys are to be believed, many of us feel disassociated with the hierarchical structure a/o operational environment that govern our daily job performance. It can be easy to conclude that we are lost in a world of confusing complexity and governed by systems that function at all levels beyond our understanding or even awareness. And that conclusion is indeed depressing.

You may be wondering whether I have a cure for systemic depression. Well, I can offer an explanation that may make it easier to adjust to the many systems we encounter and are in fact creating. As we develop new technologies and further extend the scope of communications, our systems will become even more impenetrable to the majority of us. But there are at least two things we need to know. First, nature is a bundle of interlocking systems of which we are an integral part. It is as natural for us to create systems as it is for us to live. In fact, our physical being is no more than a collection of interdependent systems (Reference, “A Congregation of Life Forms”). The obvious remedy for systemic depression is to emulate nature—to create systems that interrelate and reinforce the natural systems in the world and within us. Second, we need to accept the uniqueness and limitations of the human perspective. We perceive the world after our own fashion, not as it presents itself to us. For example, we perceive the arrow of time as a constant, not as a variable relative to our place in a swirling and expanding universe. We also feel fixed in our place, not passengers riding a fast moving planet. In fact, even the fixed space we think we occupy is actually bent and curved in proportion to the mass of this planet. We owe Einstein for these revelations and science in general for an understanding of our perceptual boundaries. The world reflected in our eyes is no more than a construct of our brain’s neurons. And the same can be said of all our senses. We are of the stuff of the world in which we live and yet apart from it as well.

All animal species are part of and dependent upon natural systems. We, however, can also create systems, some of which have negative feedback loops, like some of those already referenced or the carbon based energy systems recently discussed in Paris. But I am an optimist, for I believe the 21st century can be a tipping point for our race. If we learn to build systems that enhance our nature, protect our environment, enable us to live in harmony with interrelated systems and with each other as people, communities and nations, we will rid ourselves of systemic depression and create a new world order. Otherwise, we will become overwhelmed with systemic depression. Correlated with this learning is the necessity to admit our subjectivity. Circumscribed by our senses and constrained by the limitations of our self-conception, we need contact with others and the world in all its complexity to help us solve the mystery of our self-isolation, our subjectivity. This mystery is the basis for that humility born of introspection and for that unbridled urge to connect. When we deny this mystery, we replace humility and the need for connection with the aphrodisiac of control and dominance, that is, of unmitigated hubris. We create systems that serve our self-interest while defying our human interest. This is the mystery at the heart of so many religions. Remember the Hindu and Buddhist prayerful bow in recognition of the divinity in another person, or Christ’s statement, “I and the Father are one,” or Mohamed’s equating of each individual with the human race as a whole, “whoso kills a soul . . . it shall be as if he has killed all mankind.” All religions beg the question Kant asked, “What is man.” Each of us is a world onto itself, with an overwhelming need to reach beyond the self, to relate to all we encounter, to identify with a world as mysterious as our very nature.

Given this nobility of spirit, how can we violate our humanity with the construction of so many ignoble systems? It is truly depressing to become victims of such systems. They can arbitrarily destroy lives and livelihoods. We should not create systems that degrade the individual human being: systems that discriminate against certain classes, ostracize individuals for their beliefs, deliver excessive punishments, or mistreat women, children, the elderly and the disabled. For each human stands alone before the world, dependent upon nature, yet independent in perception and creativity. Not one of us can be duplicated. If we learn to respect each and every individual, we will build systems that better serve our natural world and the human race as a whole.

A Wartime Lover’s Lament

In sleep you await the breaking dawn
While I lay awake in dread of light
For I will linger here in our bond
Until duty rips asunder our night

A web of hyphae I spawn at your roots
To prepare your strength like a goddess moon
So you may walk harmless in your boots
Invincible hero returning soon

One day I too will bear your spore
To complete the symbiosis we share
But not until you return from war
To rekindle the fire of the love we bear

Caressing your body in darkness now
I dread its loss and fear my plight
If you die, never to see the light,
My love entombed and out of sight

Not just your death, but mine foretold
A lover’s lament, too often retold.

AJD, 12/27/2015